Комментарии:See АПиПЯЯ 286, Цинциус 1984, 96-97, Дыбо 316, Лексика 243, 245. The comparison is quite reliable phonetically; *-jl- has to be assumed to account for the development in Kor. ( > -i-). The semantic side ('arm'/'leg'/'thigh') can be explained if we suppose that the word originally designated a part of the animal body (front or hind leg together with the thigh). Cf. also ТМ *xūl-kse 'sleeve' (probably an original derivation, although the length is not clear), *xul-ŋsi 'shank, shin', PT *koltuk 'armpit' (Лексика 243, TMN 3, 557-558, ЭСТЯ 6, 52-54). It is interesting to speculate on the subject of the identity Kor. *kūi-mǝ̀rí = Jpn. kuru-(n)pusi. In Kor. -mǝ̀rí is certainly to be analysed as "head" (*'leg-head'); the Jpn. form in this case may reflect a dissimilation < *kuru-n-musi, where *musi could be the remnant of PA *mĕ́ĺǯu 'head' (q. v.). The same element in fact may be also present in Jpn. *tu(m)pu-(n)pusi 'ankle, knee' and *kǝmpusi (if, with haplology < *kǝmpu-(n)pusi) 'fist'. One has, of course, to reckon with the possibility of having here rather PJ *pusi 'joint' ( < PA *bŭ̀ĺi q. v.), which would explain the constant emergence of a stop in Jpn.; but the Jpn.-Kor. match (*kūi-mǝ̀rí = kuru(n)pusi) seems to be not accidental.
Комментарии:The meaning 'big' in Korean certainly derives from *'plentiful'. The match between Kor. khɨ- and Jpn. *kǝ̀kǝ́- appears quite satisfactory, despite the attempt of Vovin (2000) to link Kor. *hɨkɨ- with PJ *sùkùnà- 'few': it is hardly possible to analyse the Jpn. word as *'big'-does-not-exist, since all the existing compounds of this type are "noun+-na", not "adjective+-na", and anyway it is hardly possible to separate PJ *sùkùnà- 'few' (adj.) and *sùkùa-(si) 'few' (noun, adverb), see *si̯ŏ́k`ù.
Комментарии:The original meaning should be reconstructed as 'bind', 'wrap' or 'fasten', with the meaning 'lace, sew' secondarily developed within Turkic. Note the morphological match between PTM *xuku-lī- and PJ *kúkú-r- < *k`ókì-lV.
Комментарии:EAS 109, KW 184, Street 1980, 287. Mong. is not < Turk., despite Щербак 1997, 142, but the Turk. and Mong. forms are certainly related, despite TMN 3, 364.
Комментарии:The root is possibly derived: without the suffix cf. Mong. qoli- 'to stir'. It is interesting to note Nivkh halq 'boat' (possibly borrowed in TM as *xaliku, see ТМС 1, 460, 461).
Комментарии:Martin 228, АПиПЯЯ 98, 274. One should also note MKor. kɨ́mɨ́- 'to become dim, hide (of moon etc.)', possibly < *kúrmɨ́- = OJ kumor- id. Cf. also notes to *gḕĺa.
Комментарии:Цинциус 1984, 108-109. A Turko-TM isogloss. The TM form points quite explicitly to *k`-; reasons for voicing in PT are not clear: perhaps a merger with PA *gèmo 'to fill in' (q. v.), which otherwise has no Turkic reflex.
Комментарии:Владимирцов 213, Poppe 127. Despite TMN 3, 586, Щербак 1997, 128, Mong. cannot be borrowed from Turk. Also, despite MT 136, Jurch. hufuru cannot be a Mong. loanword. In Jpn. we would rather expect *kupara; the -a- vocalism is either a result of later assimilation (in a long word), or an influence of *kápá 'river' (different etymologically, see *k`ébà).
Комментарии:АПиПЯЯ 291. The comparison seems satisfactory (the Jpn.-Kor. link see in Kanezawa 47); an alternative Austronesian etymology of the Jpn. word, however, can be found in Kawamoto 1977, 33. Cf. also Mong. kürmen 'basalt'.
Комментарии:SKE 122, KW 188, ОСНЯ 1, 367, АПиПЯЯ 292, Дыбо 13; further Nostratic parallels see in ОСНЯ 1, 367-368. The Korean reflex is somewhat dubious here, because the root may be the same as korh- < *górà q. v. (possibly a secondary merger). Cf. also Kalm. xor- 'to be afraid, shy', PT *Kor-(u)k- 'to be afraid' (ЭСТЯ 6, 79-80), possibly derived from *k`oru 'grow less, be damaged' - but also possibly a different root.
Комментарии:Initial *k- in PTM is probably due to assimilation (*kūkta < *k`ūkta). Mong. may be < Kypch. One of several similar roots: cf. *gŭ̀k`a, *k`i̯úŋu, *gék`a.
